South Africa in Burundi Encourages Young Entrepreneurs with Big Business Idea

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In #Burundi, local entrepreneurs have been encouraged to innovate and initiate income-generating projects to meet the country’s needs and create jobs for the youth and the most vulnerable, thereby boosting the population’s self-sufficiency. Thus, a briquette manufacturing unit (recycling by sawdust, chips and other waste) for cooking food and a brick factory were initiated by a young entrepreneur from Kamenge, one of the most affected area by the 1990’s civil war in Bujumbura capital city.

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It is thus in this vein that , today, the South African Chargé d’Affaires Mr. Zakhele Mnisi called us on at Maramvya Brickmaking Site and met with me as Designer and Coordinator of the Project to exchange on opportunities and challenges in manufacturing and clay business in Burundi.

I explained him that our work started with an informal welding and wood workshop in Kamenge but in 2011, Ndikumana Arnaud, a young entrepreneur, dynamic and electromechanical engineer registered his company under “Establissement NDIKUMANA Arnaud” ENA “SURL” and became a member of the Federal Chamber of Commerce and Industry of Burundi (CFCIB) / Construction Chamber since 2013.

I pointed out that we initiated the brickmaking factory in Maramvya to expand the activities of our business to address the employment issues that the Burundian youth is coping with. Thus, one of the answers to these challenges was to set up a quality brick production plant in rural area in sufficient quantity for the country without harming the nature but significantly reducing unemployment. The project is environmentally friendly, the kiln uses sawdust and other waste and the sites from where the clay is taken are repaired by the project.

The project was designed in 2013 and started the following year with a small team of technical team and limited financial means. But since 2017, the factory has grown to the production of 6,000 bricks of different types and shape per day and a team of 25 workers. To respond to the growing demand of the customers, the initiator of the project has put in place a set of machines of extruder type able to make 6,000 bricks per hour if it functions with electricity supplied by Regideso.

Only within the past 3 years, the project employs 25 part-time 3 full time workers. It is therefore improving the lives of direct and indirect beneficiaries in the community and contributing to boost the national economy with taxes paid from the sold bricks. Above all, the aim of the project, as I explained him, is also to give a maximum of jobs, thus to reduce unemployment considerably. Thus the number of people that the project plans to employ in the first place is 50 without counting the indirect beneficiaries; in addition to these people who would constitute the workforce, the project intends to use 3 other kinds of machines namely: 2 grinders, 2 mixers and 2 extruders and triple the current production.

I however noted to him that one of the challenges the project is facing is electricity. The machines operate using generators which consume a lot of diesel, I called upon our government and development financial institutions to continue supporting our project for its sustainability.

I thanked Mr. Zakhele Mnisi and South African Government for their support in Burundi and good relations with our Country. I didn’t forget to sincerely recognize various support that our Project has received from Government of Burundi particularly its ministerial departments in charge of supporting and encouraging local investments so far.

The factory is installed in the Province of Rural Bujumbura, Mutimbuzi Commune, Maramvya zone, the Trans. No.13 at 10 Km from the City of Bujumbura, and 4 Km from Bujumbura International Airport and 500m from the RN5. The brickyard is 3 ha.

The prices of our bricks vary between 200 and 1500 BIF( USD 0.1 and USD 0.8) according to the type and shape of the brick.

Appolinaire Nishirimbere

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Opinion: How can Burundi cope with the Rwandan threat in a peaceful way?

Rwanda and Burundi are two neighboring states with cultural and socio-ethnic compositions similarities. During the pre-colonial period, the two kingdoms coexisted on relations articulated by mutual respect, the balance of terror and sometimes territorial conflicts.
kagame et nkurunziza

History has in particular retained the wars of vengeance and conquest led by the King of Burundi (NTARE Rugamba) at the end of the 18th century and at the beginning of the 19th century, which gave rise to the current borders of the two states. Traditions and legends recount the famous battle for the conquest of the region “Bugesera” and gave the sad name of “Kirundo” to a locality conquered by the Burundians. Overall, the two kingdoms were suspicious of one another and regularly tested the balance of power.
The advent of colonization has established new relationships. Dependent on the same administration, initially German then Belgian, the “conflictuality” had no place. It was time for cooperation in the Westphalian sense. The Belgian administration has even succeeded in distorting the political systems and the socio-economic relations of the two states by perverting the notion of “social class” which has been transformed during the last three decades of colonization into “ethnicity” based on duality ” Tutsi-Hutu “, the third detected ethnic group (sic!) being considered too weak to participate in the political struggle.
Burundi and Rwanda thus gained their independence in a very marked context of ethnic struggle, Hutu against Tutsi, thus distorting the real struggle that should have taken place.
This ethnic factor has therefore influenced the continuation of relations between the two twin countries: the “Tutsi” who fled Rwanda to take refuge with their counterparts who held power in Burundi and the “Hutu” who fled Burundi to seek refuge in Rwanda where their peers were the masters of the country.
In the end, the last word returned to the oppressed, both in Rwanda, where the RPF took the country after an extremely bloody genocide, in Burundi where the CNDD-FDD came to power thanks to a choice after a long decade of fighting against the October 1993 putschists who had not only murdered a president and almost all his close aides, but had also proved to be fierce opponents of a democratic game that excluded them from power.
The two countries were then with the same story but with strong ideological opposition. The RPF governance philosophy, centered on the genocide of the Tutsi, would it be accepted in Burundi? The grudge and the feeling of insecurity felt by the Tutsi of Burundi were they not going to find the listening ear and especially the protective arm in Rwanda? These were questions that only time would quickly give answers to.
Indeed, after a decade marked by a timid, but real, rapprochement, relations deteriorated sharply in 2015. The will of Rwanda to interfere in the electoral process of 2015 has not been well received by Burundi. The borders were partially and momentarily closed, verbal attacks quickly became radicalized and publicly assumed, economic exchanges were halted, while Burundi continued to accuse Rwanda of not only being the protector of the troublemakers in Burundi but also to arm rebels who attack Burundi via the DRC.
Rwanda is apparently sure of her strength, so how can Burundi cope with the Rwandan threat that is felt politically, militarily, economically, diplomatically, socially and on humanitarian scale . What is the actual content of these threats?
The content of the Rwandan threats
At the political level, Rwanda has not hidden its role of protector of opponents and dissidents of power in Burundi. The Rwanda offers them a facility of contacts and especially exposes them to the influence of the ideology of the RPF which consists in denying the ethnic tension by imposition of the force of the survivor of the genocide; which amounts to an assumed ethnic radicalism.
This political-ideological influence is felt in Burundian society where the “radical opposition” does not hide its admiration of Rwanda, the RPF and their President Paul Kagame; while experiencing reluctance for their homeland, Burundi. This category of Burundians no longer feels proud of their country and wants to be adopted in Rwanda. How many young townspeople from Bujumbura decided to migrate to Rwanda, apart from the simple refugee movement?
On the other hand, there is another category of the population who finds all things related to Rwanda to be in bad taste. And this goes beyond simply refusing to listen to Rwandan music; because this “hate” includes the boycott of any product “made in Rwanda” and a big mistrust towards Rwandan nationals and Burundians who dare to go to Rwanda, whatever the reason.
One thing is certain: the Rwandan influence reinforces ethnic tensions in Burundi; the “Tutsi” feeling victims of power and the “Hutu” regaining awareness of a probable danger posed by “Tutsi” who would work to regain power. This situation obviously creates a social malaise.
In addition, this political threat is corollary to the security threat. Rwanda can become the military stronghold of the exiles. This is further facilitated by refugee camps which can be excellent recruiting centers. Burundi has already complained about the existence of fighters who attacked her from the Congolese border, but who claimed to have been trained in Rwanda.
At the economic level, too, the threat is real since Burundi loses a market for the sale of goods. As a result, neighboring provinces have serious problems with storing crops that are eaten fresh, such as vegetables and fruits.
At the humanitarian level, Rwanda has already shown her shortcomings in the management of Burundian refugee camps. The repulse of some refugees shows that there is tension in the camps, either between refugees themselves or between refugees and the Rwandan administration. Forced repatriation can pose problems of social reintegration.
Finally, tensions between Burundi and Rwanda are felt at the diplomatic level. The two countries are engaged in a veritable diplomatic war within the international organizations to which they belong. The threat is real since Rwanda condones any diplomatic decision that sanctions Burundi or imposes interference in its internal affairs. The case of Rwandan votes against Burundi in the UN Commission on Human Rights is a perfect example. This is even worse because Rwanda has managed to create a good image on the international scene and has more and more diplomatic influence. Burundi is therefore sure that wherever she goes, she will find Rwandan traps on her way.
Responses to Rwandan threats
In analyzing the nature of Rwandan threats to Burundi, it is remarkable that the Rwandan authorities are using trickery, while at the same time pointing out that Rwanda is ready enough to defend itself. So, Rwanda does not intend to attack Burundi, at least in a direct way.
Responding to Rwandan threats must also be based on peaceful, but well-rounded strategies, while standing ready to repel any military attack from anywhere. The armed forces and the intelligence service must be permanently on high alert. Because nothing is sure that Rwanda would not conspire for a military option, direct or indirect. The Rwandan authorities have already publicly mentioned this option.
It is at the diplomatic level that Burundi must focus to counter the Rwandan “mischief”. Burundi must not neglect any option. First, at the sub-regional level, Burundian diplomacy must be deployed to prevent organizations from being influenced by Rwanda. Burundi must, on every occasion, point to the Rwandan misfortune and its threat to sub regional peace and security. The aim must be to maintain diplomatic pressure on Rwanda.
In parallel with sub regional multilateral diplomacy, Burundi needs to approach the countries of the sub region bilaterally, focusing on the other four EAC member countries, the DRC and the ICGLR countries.
The same efforts must be made at the regional level, within the African Union where Rwanda currently has a great influence since the Kigali summit. It is essential to prevent the African Union Commission and the Peace and Security Council of the African Union from resuming their alignment with the position of the European Union and some of its member states such as France, Belgium and Germany.
As for the UN, Rwandan influence has been contained from the outset, the organization being very broad and the African group being very united and very allergic when an African state is attacked. But again, lobbying must continue to keep the gains, that is to say the favors of all those who do not traditionally combine with Western positions. With the change of administration in the US and France, the Security Council is less aggressive towards Burundi. Burundi must take advantage of this pause to remove the Burundian question from the Council table.
Finally, timid approaches can also be initiated bilaterally with the Rwandan authorities on the one hand and the EU on the other hand with the European countries: France, Belgium, Germany, without forgetting the role of discrete states such as the Netherlands, Norway and Switzerland that have already shown their interest in Burundi. It is also necessary to preserve support from China and Russia as well as from influential countries such as South Africa, Nigeria, Sassou Ngesso’s Congo, Angola, Ali Bongo’s Gabon, Senegal, Morocco, Niger, Mali and especially Algeria, which is a very discreet state, but very decisive when it comes to supporting a friendly country.
By Appolinaire NISHIRIMBERE

Opinion : Comment le Burundi peut-il faire face à la menace rwandaise de manière pacifique ?

Le Rwanda et le Burundi sont deux Etats voisins qui possèdent des similarités culturelles et au niveau des compositions socio-ethniques. Pendant la période précoloniale, les deux royaumes ont coexisté sur des relations articulées par le respect mutuel, l’équilibre de la terreur et parfois des conflits territoriaux.

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L’histoire a notamment retenu les guerres de vengeance et de conquête menées par le Roi du Burundi (NTARE Rugamba) à la fin du 18ème siècle et au début du 19ème siècle qui ont donné lieu aux frontières actuelles des deux Etats. Les traditions et les légendes relatent en long et en large la fameuse bataille pour la conquête de la région « Bugesera » et qui a donné lieu le triste nom de « Kirundo » à une localité conquise par les Burundais. De manière globale, les deux royaumes se méfiaient mutuellement et tester régulièrement les rapports de force.
L’avènement de la colonisation a établi de nouveaux rapports. Dépendants de la même administration, allemande au départ puis belge, la conflictualité n’avait plus sa place. C’était l’heure de la coopération au sens westphalien. L’administration belge a même réussi à dénaturé les systèmes politiques et les rapports socio-économiques des deux Etats en pervertissant la notion de « classe sociale » qui a été transformée pendant les trois dernières décennies de colonisation en « ethnie » basée sur la dualité « Tutsi-Hutu », la troisième ethnie détectée (sic !) étant jugée trop faible pour participer dans la lutte politique.
Le Burundi et le Rwanda ont ainsi accédé à leurs indépendances dans un contexte très marqué par la lutte ethnique, Hutu contre Tutsi, faussant alors la véritable lutte qui aurait dû se dérouler, c.-à-d. entre les pour et les contre indépendances.
Ce facteur ethnique a dès lors influencé la suite des relations entre les deux pays jumeaux : les « tutsi » qui fuient le Rwanda pour se réfugier chez leurs homologues qui détiennent le pouvoir au Burundi et les « hutu » qui fuient le Burundi pour trouver refuge au Rwanda où leurs semblables sont les maîtres du pays.
En fin de comptes, le dernier mot est revenu aux opprimés, tant au Rwanda, où le FPR prend le pays au bout d’un génocide extrêmement sanglants, qu’au Burundi où le CNDD-FDD s’installent au pouvoir grâce à un choix populaire et après une longue décennie d’errance et de bataille contre les putschistes d’octobre 1993 qui avaient non seulement assassiné un Président et presque tous ses proches collaborateurs, mais s’étaient également révélés comme des farouches opposant à un jeu démocratique qui les écartait à coup sûr du pouvoir.
Les deux pays se sont alors trouvés avec la même histoire mais avec une forte opposition au plan idéologique. La philosophie de gouvernance du FPR, centrée sur le génocide des tutsi, allait-elle être acceptée au Burundi ? La rancune et la sensation d’insécurité ressentie par les tutsi du Burundi n’allaient-elles pas trouver de l’oreille attentive et surtout de bras protecteur au Rwanda ? Telles ont été des questions que seul le temps allait vite donner des réponses.
En effet, après une décennie marquée par une volonté timide, mais réelle, de rapprochement, les relations se sont fortement détériorées en 2015. Les volontés d’ingérence dans la question électorale de 2015 n’ont pas été bien accueillies par le Burundi. Les frontières ont été partiellement et momentanément fermées, les attaques verbales se sont rapidement radicalisées et publiquement assumées, les échanges économiques ont été stoppés, tandis que le Burundi n’a cessé d’accuser le Rwanda de non seulement être le protecteur des semeurs de troubles au Burundi mais également d’armer des rebelles qui attaquent le Burundi via la RDC.
Le Rwanda étant apparemment sûr de sa force, comment alors le Burundi peut-il faire face à la menace rwandaise qui se ressent au plan politique, sécuritaire, économique, diplomatique, humanitaire et social. Quelle est la teneur réelle de ces menaces ?
Le contenu des menaces rwandaises
Au plan politique, le Rwanda n’a pas caché son rôle de protecteur d’opposants et dissidents du pouvoir au Burundi. L’exile rwandais leur offre une facilité de contacts et surtout leur expose à l’influence de l’idéologie du FPR qui consiste à nier la tension ethnique par imposition de la force du rescapé du génocide ; ce qui revient en fait à un radicalisme ethnique assumé.
Cette influence politico-idéologique se ressent dans la société burundaise où l’ « opposition radicale » ne cache pas son admiration du Rwanda, du FPR et de leur Président Paul Kagame ; tout en éprouvant de la répugnance pour leur patrie, le Burundi. Cette catégorie de burundais ne se sent plus fière de leur pays et désire se faire adopter au Rwanda. Combien de jeunes citadins de Bujumbura ont décidé de migrer vers le Rwanda, en dehors du simple mouvement de réfugiés ?
En revanche, il existe une autre catégorie de la population qui trouve de mauvais goût tout ce qui est en rapport avec le Rwanda. Et ce fait va au-delà du simple refus d’écouter de la musique rwandaise ; car cette « haine » inclut le boycotte de tout produit « made in Rwanda » et une grosse méfiance à l’égard des ressortissants rwandais et des burundais qui osent se rendre au Rwanda, quelle que soit la raison.
Une chose est sûre : l’influence rwandaise renforce les tensions ethniques au Burundi ; les « Tutsi » se sentant victimes du pouvoir et les « Hutu » reprenant conscience d’un probable danger posé par les « Tutsi » qui maniganceraient pour reprendre le pouvoir. Cette situation crée évidemment un malaise social.
En outre, cette menace politique est corolaire à la menace sécuritaire. Le Rwanda peut devenir le bastion militaire des exilés. Cela est d’autant plus facilité par les camps de réfugiés qui peuvent être d’excellents centres de recrutement. Le Burundi s’est d’ailleurs déjà plaint d’une existence de combattants qui l’ont attaqué à partir de la frontière congolaise, mais qui ont affirmé avoir été formés au Rwanda.
Au plan économique aussi la menace est réelle puisque le Burundi perd un marché d’écoulement des biens. C’est ainsi que les provinces avoisinantes rencontrent de sérieux problèmes de stockage de récoltes qui se consomment fraîches telles que les légumières et les fruits.
Au plan humanitaire, le Rwanda a déjà montré ses lacunes dans la gestion des camps de réfugiés burundais. Le refoulement de certains réfugiés prouvent qu’il existe des tensions dans les camps, soit entre réfugiés eux-mêmes, soit entre réfugiés et l’administration rwandaise. Le rapatriement forcé peut poser de problèmes de réinsertion sociale.
Enfin, les tensions entre le Burundi et le Rwanda se ressentent au plan diplomatique. Les deux pays se livrent une véritable guerre diplomatique au sein des organisations internationales auxquelles ils sont membres. La menace est réelle puisque le Rwanda cautionne toute décision diplomatique qui sanctionne le Burundi ou qui impose une ingérence dans ses affaires intérieures. Le cas des votes rwandais contre le Burundi au sein de la Commission des droits de l’Homme de l’ONU en est un parfait exemple. Cela est d’autant plus mauvais que le Rwanda a réussi à se créer une belle image sur la scène internationale et possède de plus en plus d’influence diplomatique. Le Burundi est donc sûr que, partout où il ira, il trouvera des pièges rwandaises sur son chemin.
Les réponses aux menaces rwandaises
En analysant la nature des menaces rwandaises qui pèsent sur le Burundi, il est remarquable que les autorités rwandaises utilisent la ruse, tout en rappelant à toute occasion que le Rwanda est suffisamment prêt pour se défendre. Donc, le Rwanda ne compte pas attaquer le Burundi, du moins de manière directe.
Répondre aux menaces rwandaises doit également se baser sur des stratégies pacifiques, mais très rôdées, tout en se tenant prêt à repousser toute attaque militaire d’où qu’elle vienne. Les forces armées et le service de renseignement doivent être en permanence en situation d’alerte maximale. Car rien n’est sûr que le Rwanda ne comploterait pas pour une option militaire, directe ou indirecte. Les autorités rwandaises ont déjà évoqué publiquement cette option.
C’est au niveau diplomatique qu’il faut se focaliser pour contrer les manigances rwandaises. Il ne faut négliger aucune option. D’abord, au niveau sous-régional, la diplomatie burundaise doit se déployer pour empêcher que les organisations soient influencées par le Rwanda. Le Burundi doit, à chaque occasion, pointer du doigt sur la mauvaise fois rwandaise et sa menace sur la paix et la sécurité sous-régionale. L’objectif visé doit être celui de maintenir la pression diplomatique sur le Rwanda.
Parallèlement à la diplomatie multilatérale sous-régionale, le Burundi doit approcher bilatéralement les pays de la sous-région, en se concentrant sur les 4 autres pays membres de l’EAC, sur la RDC et sur les pays de la CIRGL.
Les mêmes efforts doivent être fournis au plan régional, au sein de l’Union africaine où le Rwanda possède actuellement une grande influence depuis le sommet de Kigali. Il faut absolument empêcher que la Commission africaine et le Conseil de paix et de sécurité de l’Union Africaine reprennent leur alignement sur la position de l’Union européenne et certains de ses Etats membres comme la France, la Belgique et l’Allemagne.
Quant à l’ONU, l’influence rwandaise a été endiguée dès le départ, l’organisation étant très large et le groupe africain étant très soudé et très allergique lorsqu’un Etat africain est attaqué. Mais là encore, le lobbying doit se poursuivre afin de garder les acquis, c’est-à-dire les faveurs de tous ceux qui ne s’allient pas traditionnellement aux postions occidentales. Avec le changement d’administration aux USA et en France, le Conseil de Sécurité est moins agressif envers le Burundi. Il faut profiter de cette pause pour retirer la question burundaise de la table du Conseil.
Enfin, des approches timides peuvent également être engagées au plan bilatéral avec les autorités rwandaises d’une part et l’UE les pays européens d’autre part : la France, la Belgique, l’Allemagne, sans oublier le rôle des Etats discrets tels que les Pays-bas, la Norvège et la Suisse qui ont déjà montré leurs intérêts au Burundi. Il faut aussi préserver le soutien de la Chine et de la Russie ainsi que celui des pays influents comme l’Afrique du Sud, le Nigéria, le Congo de Sassou Ngesso, l’Angola, le Gabon d’Ali Bongo, le Sénégal, le Maroc, le Niger, le Mali et surtout l’Algérie qui est un Etat très discret, mais très décisif lorsqu’il faut soutenir un pays ami.

Par Appolinaire NISHIRIMBERE

South Africa: ANC launches its 2019 Elections Manifesto amid 107th anniversary celebration

Article by Appolinaire Nishirimbere

It is today 12 January 2019 that the African National Congress (ANC) gathered thousands of its members and friends at Moses Mabhida Stadium to celebrate its 107th of existence and launch its 2019 Elections manifesto.
cyril ram

One of the speeches that captured the attention of many was the address by President of the Republic of South Africa Cyril Ramaphosa.
The full speech follows
MOSES MABHIDA STADIUM
12 JANUARY 2019

Deputy President David Mabuza,
National Officials of the African National Congress,
Members of the ANC National Executive Committee,
Leaders of the ANC Women’s League, Veterans League and Youth League,
Leaders of the SACP, COSATU and SANCO,
Representatives of fraternal parties,
Comrades and Friends,
Fellow South Africans,

We gather here today to celebrate the 107th anniversary of the formation of the African National Congress.

We have come here to KwaZulu-Natal, the birthplace of the first President-General of the ANC and the home of so many gallant freedom fighters, to recall the heroic struggle of the South African people to be free.

We have come here on the 140th anniversary of the Battle of Isandlwana to honour those who resisted the dispossession and subjugation of the people of this land.

We have come here on the 125th anniversary of the formation of the Natal Indian Congress to reaffirm the strength of united action and our undying commitment to a non-racial South Africa.

We remember these moments in our history because they describe who we are as a movement and as a people.

These moments have moulded our identity, formed our values, our principles and our aspirations.

They remind us that we are on a long and arduous journey from a past of division and despair into a future of justice and equality.

They remind us of the responsibility we all share to complete that journey, no matter how difficult, no matter how perilous.

This year we celebrate the 25th anniversary of the achievement of democracy.

We celebrate 25 years of freedom.

We celebrate the fact that South Africa is today a better place, a nation united in its diversity, working together to overcome the injustices of its past.

It is a nation founded on a democratic and progressive Constitution that guarantees equal rights to all people.

It is a nation with strong and durable democratic institutions, an independent judiciary, a free media and an active civil society.

Over the last 25 years, working together, we have given substance to the promise of a better life for all.

Millions of poor South Africans have benefited from the provision of free houses, the restitution of land and the provision of electricity, water and sanitation.

We have transformed the future of millions of young people by massively expanding enrolment in schools, universities, colleges and early childhood development.

We have expanded access to health care, increased average life expectancy, reduced maternal mortality and turned the tide of the HIV and AIDS epidemic.

Our economy has tripled in size since 1994 and over 7 million more South Africans have jobs.

Yet, despite these remarkable achievements, many of our people live in desperate hardship, without appropriate skills, work or opportunities to improve their lot.

Even as we celebrate the great benefits of democracy, we know that the promise of freedom is yet to be realised by so many of our people.

Even as we applaud the great progress that has been made, we must acknowledge that mistakes have been made and that in some areas transformation has stalled.

We must acknowledge that state capture and corruption have weakened several of our public institutions, undermined effective governance and contributed to the poor performance of our economy.

We must also acknowledge that factionalism and patronage has diminished the ability of the ANC to lead the process of transformation and fulfil its mandate to the people.

As the ANC, we admit our shortcomings, we accept the criticism of the people and we are hard at work to correct our mistakes.

The last 25 years have demonstrated the enormity and complexity of the task of redressing the injustices of the past and advancing fundamental change.

However, the last 25 years have also shown the great power of a nation working as one to achieve a common goal.

The last 25 years have shown the South African people to be resourceful, resilient and determined.

Today, we are gathered here to remember, celebrate and honour our past, but we are also here – as the people of South Africa – to chart a path to our future.

We here are to present a plan that we have forged together to respond to the great challenges of the present – unemployment, poverty and inequality.

Today, as the African National Congress, we launch our 2019 election manifesto.

We do so at a crucial moment in the history of our great nation.

For, after a period of doubt and uncertainty, we have arrived at a moment of hope and renewal.

The 2019 elections provide an opportunity to restore our democratic institutions and to return our country to a path of transformation, growth and development.

They provide an opportunity to place the country’s future in the hands of those who believe in it the most. The voters.

Through our 2019 Election Manifesto, the African National Congress is making a call on all South Africans, black and white, young and old, urban and rural:

Let’s work together to grow South Africa.

Let us grow the opportunities available to our people.

Let us grow the economy so that all may have decent jobs and an improving quality of life.

Let us grow our knowledge and our capabilities, and develop the skills that will propel our young people into a new age of discovery.

Let us grow as individuals, respectful of the rights of others, conscious of their needs and concerns, and determined to lend a hand to improve their lives.

At the centre of our manifesto is a plan to create many more jobs and ensure that all workers can earn a decent living.

We live in a country where, by the broader definition, over 9 million South Africans are unemployed.

Out of every 10 young South Africans, four are neither in employment, nor education and training.

This is a tragedy of vast proportions, a direct challenge to the promise of our democratic Constitution and the cause of great hardship and despair.

The most pressing task for our country at this moment in our history is therefore to set the economy on a higher path of shared growth and to transform the structure of our economy to provide opportunities for millions of South Africans.

This requires a massive injection of new investment.

For several years, investment in the economy – both by government and business – has stagnated, stifling growth and job creation.

We have a plan to turn this around.

We have a plan to raise R1.2 trillion in new investments over five years

Working with all social partners, we will intensify our efforts to restore investor, business and consumer confidence and ensure policy consistency and certainty.

We will implement reforms in economic sectors that have the greatest potential to grow and create jobs.

We will take measures to lower the cost of doing business in South Africa, increase productivity and improve competitiveness.

We will implement the agreements reached at the Presidential Jobs Summit last year by boosting local demand for goods, investing more in sectors like mining, manufacturing and agriculture, and expanding export markets.

It is estimated that this could contribute around 275,000 additional jobs each year, nearly doubling the annual rate of employment creation.

We will proceed with the establishment of an Infrastructure Fund, in which we will pool government’s infrastructure budget and use it to raise additional funds from other public and private sources to build roads, rail lines, broadband networks, hospitals, schools, dams and other infrastructure vital for a growing economy.

Today, we are launching a manifesto for an inclusive economy.

For centuries, the majority of South Africans have been deliberately excluded from economic activity, dispossessed of land, deprived of skills and forcibly settled far from economic opportunities.

This exclusion is greatest among women, rural people and youth.

We will build an economy in which all our people have a meaningful stake and from which they can all benefit.
We will enable workers to own stakes in the companies they work for and to share in the profits.

We will open up markets for new, emerging companies by ending monopolies and behaviour that stifles competition.

We will draw more women, more rural people and more youth into the economy by expanding access to digital skills training to young people, by developing and supporting technological and digital start-ups, and a more concerted focus on SMMEs, cooperatives and township and village enterprises.

We will use government’s massive procurement spend to support transformation and job creation, including allocating at least 30% of procurement spend to small businesses and cooperatives.

Our manifesto has a specific focus on the economies of townships and villages.

To this day, townships and villages remain dormitories for most of our people, far from economic opportunities and often without adequate social amenities.

We will encourage the growth of enterprises in these areas through a dedicated fund that supports the development of industrial parks, business centres and incubation centres.

We will step up the enforcement of measures to prevent illegal trading and selling of counterfeit and unsafe products.

We will prevent displacement of local enterprises by big retail stores and will ensure that small producers have a place in their retail value chains.

The lack of funding for small enterprises, township and village businesses, housing and land is holding back the growth of the economy.

We will work with commercial private banks and other financial institutions on ways to expand access to funding and capital for such businesses and individuals, so that we may unleash their economic and social potential.

From its formation, the African National Congress has fought to undo a grave historical injustice and give effect to the injunction in the Freedom Charter that the land shall be shared among those who work it.

In this Manifesto, we outline the elements of a plan to accelerate land reform, making use of a range of complementary measures, including, where appropriate, expropriation without compensation.

We will continue to promote a range of land ownership forms – public, private, cooperative, family and communal.

We will implement measures to promote urban agriculture and community food gardens to promote national food security and reduce hunger.

Our approach to land reform is guided by our Constitution and by the need to advance economic development, agricultural production and food security.

We are building a developmental state that puts people first and has dedicated public servants who work diligently to improve the lives of the people.

Many of our public servants are committed and dedicated professionals who perform their tasks faithfully.

However, there are some whose indifference to the needs and concerns of citizens has led to a deterioration in the quality of services and assistance rendered.

This will change.

Civil servants must serve the people of our country with commitment, diligence, humility, respect and honesty and make sure that they are effective agents of transformation.

Land claims must be processed faster, title deeds must be provided quicker, housing projects must be completed on time.

Text books must reach all learners, and clinics must provide medical services and medicines to those who need them.
For decades, our movement has been defined by selfless service to the people.

We therefore will not tolerate those in the public services or in political office who are negligent or use public resources for their own selfish gains.

Legislation and regulations already exist to prevent public servants from doing business with the state and we will be more diligent in monitoring compliance with this legislation.

We warn transgressors that there will be consequences for those who do not comply.

South Africa will not succeed if our efforts to rebuild the country are not supported by a capable public service.

Public servants implement the transformative projects that change lives.

It is not surprising that citizens protest when projects are stalled and services do not reach the people.

We cannot and will not allow situations where government fails South Africans.

We call on all our people to join us in this endeavour to build a capable and ethical state and to ensure that those who are responsible for stealing both public funds and private investments face the full might of the law.

Through this Manifesto, we anticipate a skills revolution in our country.

By opening up the doors of learning to all, by focusing on quality and innovation, we will equip young South Africans for the world of tomorrow.

Fee-free education for students from poor and working class backgrounds will be expanded this year to cover both first and second year students, and will be progressively rolled out further over the next few years.

The available support extends to accommodation, transport and study materials for qualifying students at public TVET colleges and universities.

Many generations of young people fought hard for the ideal of free higher education and we urge this generation to study hard, obtain their qualifications, improve their lives and transform their communities.

Our education must prepare young people for a workplace that is being rapidly transformed by technological change.

Occupations that have existed for decades may not exist tomorrow.

Skills that are taught today may have little value in the near future.

The ANC will ensure that our education curricula at all levels prepares learners for rapid technological advances and the changing nature of work.

We will scale-up skills development for the youth in data analytics, coding, the internet of things, blockchain and machine learning.

A social plan will be designed to address retraining and support for workers that could potentially be displaced by new technologies.

Government will open up opportunities for young people to develop new software and applications, devices and equipment through specialised start-up support programmes.

Enhanced support will be given to existing innovation centres and hubs over the next three years.

It is unacceptable that access to health services remains dependent on a person’s social and economic circumstances, with poor people still struggling to access quality, reliable health care.

The introduction of the National Health Insurance will correct this injustice.

We will finalise the enabling legislation for the NHI and make sure that everyone has access to quality health care regardless of their ability to pay.

This is a revolutionary shift, which requires that we promote social solidarity and work towards the cross-subsidisation of services – where those who can afford to pay more assist those who cannot pay; where the young subsidise the old and where the healthy subsidise the sick.

The journey to universal health care has to start with deliberate efforts to address the immediate crisis in the public health system to tackle such issues as corruption, poor financial management, human resource planning, training, and maintenance of equipment and infrastructure.

The legacy of apartheid means that the poor and working class are too often located far from economic activity and too many hours are spent travelling the long distances to and from work.

This has negative effects on their quality of life – health and travel costs often constitute a disproportionate part of their expenses.

We will ensure that people live closer to where they work and that more economic activities take place in areas where the majority of the people live.

We will improve access to safe, affordable and reliable public transport and, among others, invest in rail infrastructure and work with the taxi industry to ensure a more reliable and safe system.

The programmes to provide social assistance to the most marginalised in society will continue, household food insecurity will be tackled head-on, public employment programmes will be scaled up and initiatives to ensure sustainable livelihoods will be intensified.

The African National Congress is committed to a more equal, more just and more humane society where all citizens can live freely and prosper.

Among other things, this means that we must prioritise the rights of women, end discrimination and prevent violence against women and girls.

We have made huge strides in improving the position of women in society, using our Constitution, legislation and policies to tackle discrimination and increase representation within the leadership of our movement, in our public institutions and in the world of commerce.

However, gender based violence is a national crisis that we are determined to end so that all South African women and girls may live in peace, safety and dignity.

We call on South Africans to work together to end gender-based violence and the patriarchal practices that give rise to it.

The emancipation of women requires a change in attitudes and the material conditions that perpetuate the oppression and marginalisation of women.

We will work more closely with all stakeholders to implement the range of interventions adopted at last year’s Gender-Based Violence Summit, including finalising the National Plan on Gender Based Violence.

It is important that children learn from a young age to respect one another as equals and not to resort to violence in situations of stress and conflict.

The ANC fully supports the calls for stricter bail conditions and harsher sentences for perpetrators of gender based violence and sexual assault.

More and better skilled police and prosecution authorities are needed to improve the capacity to investigate and prosecute all crimes, especially gender based violence and sexual assault.

We are deeply concerned about the effects of drugs on communities.

They destroy lives – often young lives – tear families apart, feed a culture of violence and enable the spread of gangsterism.

We will improve our social and criminal justice responses to the scourge of drug and alcohol abuse.

Through the National Drug Master Plan, we will expand recreational facilities and diversion programmes to prevent vulnerable people from becoming dependent on drugs and alcohol.

We will also ensure greater cooperation in diagnosing and treating substance dependence.

This is part of the work we must all do to build a society where everyone is able to walk the streets, to play and work at all hours of the day and night, without fear.

We will strengthen police visibility in our communities by increasing the number of policemen and women.

The police will be better trained to investigate cases and improve success rates and there will be better co-operation between prosecutors and investigators.

We will continue to intensify efforts in areas where we have made progress, such as stemming the tide of political killings, particularly here in KwaZulu-Natal.

The number of political killings has reduced significantly and a number of suspects have been arrested and are now being prosecuted.

However, one political killing is one too many.

As a society, we must show no tolerance for these acts and our agencies must not hesitate in prosecuting perpetrators of such heinous acts.

Too often, we hear how the criminal justice system does not respond to peoples’ needs.

We hear stories of police men and women in cahoots with criminals.

We hear of dockets going missing and we hear of women being turned away when reporting incidents of gender-based violence.

This will change.

The ANC government will employ more police personnel and increase the training given to the police and others in the criminal justice system.

We are also going to improve the cooperation between the different elements of criminal justice – we are going to make sure that police, forensic services, prosecutors and others cooperate more and work together to improve success rates and secure more convictions.

We call on South Africans to strengthen Community Policing Forums and Community Safety Forums.

All of us must know our neighbours and be concerned about their lives.

Effective border management is an important aspect of ensuring that the country and its people are safe.

The ANC will improve cooperation with other countries in the region to ensure that we put in place a more effective system to manage migration.

Our success as a country is inextricably linked to the progress of our neighbours and the rest of the African continent.

As an integral member of the global community, it is in our interests to promote a global order that is fair, just, democratic and based on rules that are acceptable to all nations.

At a time of growing nationalism, we will work with other progressive forces to bring about a more humane global order through multilateral institutions such as the United Nations, the World Trade Organisation and global financial institutions.

South Africa will continue to campaign, along with other international partners, for the democratisation of these multilateral bodies.

We will use our country’s tenure as a member of the UN Security Council to contribute to the creation of global peace, security and prosperity.

We will continue to pursue economic integration, cross-border infrastructure investment and industrial development across the African continent.

We will work through the African Union to silence the guns of war and entrench democracy and promote development throughout Africa.

We are resolute in our support for the aspirations of the people of Palestine and our condemnation of the occupation of their territory and the suppression of their rights.

We will do whatever is within our means to promote a just and peaceful resolution of the conflict which leads to the creation of a viable Palestinian state alongside, and in harmony with, the state of Israel.

The struggle for self-determination by the Saharawi people is our struggle.

We stand alongside the Polisario Front and the leaders of the Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic in their struggle for full sovereignty over all their territory.

We will work through the African Union and the United Nations for the liberation of Western Sahara, the last colony on the African continent.

We reiterate our support for the people of Cuba and will continue calling for a complete and unconditional an end to an illegal and immoral blockade.

Comrades and Friends,

The January 8th celebration is traditionally used as an opportunity to identify the tasks for the ANC in the year ahead.

In promoting our vision of a free and equal society, and in advancing the renewal of our movement, the following priority tasks have been identified for 2019

– We will mobilise for a decisive victory in the 2019 elections.
The ANC remains the most effective vehicle to unite the broadest cross-section of society, and all our structures, members and public representatives must work diligently to ensure that the ANC receives a clear mandate to intensify the efforts to build a better life for all South Africans.

– We will intensify the renewal of our branches.

All leaders and members should focus their efforts on strengthening unity and working together to address challenges facing communities.

Our branches must be strong organs of civil society that reflect the broader composition of communities where they are located and that lead in addressing community concerns.

We will work more diligently to ensure that factionalism, gatekeeping, patronage and other deviant practices are eradicated.

– We will intensify the fight against corruption in government, in the ANC and across society.

Members of the ANC, working with communities and various sectors of society, should expose corruption and state capture, understanding that our efforts will be met with resistance by those who are the beneficiaries of these practices.

– We will organise against social ills such as gender-based violence, substance abuse and racism.

– We will lead the nation-building effort.

All ANC members must be at the forefront of the efforts to build non-racialism and wage war on all forms of ethnic and racial chauvinism.

We must ensure that both the structures of the ANC and those of our representative bodies reflect the diverse non-racial nature of our society.

– We will focus on the task of building a better Africa and a better world.

Through forging stronger partnerships with progressive formations and governments across the world, we will actively campaign for the interests of Africa and developing countries on all international platforms.

As we mark the anniversary of the ANC’s formation, we honour the courage, dedication and selfless service of those activists who passed away over the past year.

We dip our banner in honour of giants and stalwarts such as Winnie Madikizela Mandela, Mendi Msimang, Agnes Msimang, Edna Molewa, George Chaane, Hugh Masekela, Zondeni Veronica Sobukwe, Zola Skweyiya, Eric Mtshali, Moss Chikane, Billy Modise, Archie Sibeko, Joyce Mashamba, Duma Ndleleni, Eddie Funde, George Nene, Reverend Chris Wessels, Phillemon Moletsane, Khabisi Mosunkutu, Connie Bapela, Stephen Gawe, Buyiswa Fazzie, John Ncinane, Galo Veto, Fezeka Loliwe, Flip Potgieter, Trudy Thomas, Sipho Khohlakala, Monde Dakuse, Ndibulele Nzamela, Mzimasi Giwu, Ndumiso Batali, Mandla Makupula, Nalibongwe Yokwe, Themba Kiro Kana, Sipho Mbikwana, Mzimela Cletus, Andy Sefotlhelo, Paseka Machebela, Morwesi Diswai, Nancy Khunou and others.

Their contribution to the struggle for humane social relations must continue to guide and inspire our actions.

During the course of our struggle for freedom, the African National Congress has bestowed its highest order, Isithwalandwe/Seaparankoe, on cadres who have made an outstanding contribution to the liberation struggle.

These comrades, as illustrated by the literal translation of Isithwalandwe, “are the ones who wear the plumes of the rare bird”, and have shown themselves to be among the bravest warriors of our people in pursuit of social justice.

The ANC National Executive Committee has decided to bestow Isithwalandwe/Seaparankoe upon the following leaders of our movement.

Isithwalandwe/Seaparankoe will be bestowed posthumously on:

• Nomzamo Winnie Madikizela-Mandela,
• Nontsikelelo Albertina Sisulu,
• Ahmed Timol, and,
• Charlotte Maxeke.

Isithwalandwe/Seaparankoe will also be bestowed on:

• Denis Goldberg,
• John Nkadimeng, and,
• Sophie de Bruyn.

All ANC members – indeed, all South Africans – should strive to emulate the example of selfless service and dedication set by these great leaders.

In recognition of the tasks that we must undertake together, the ANC declares 2019 as The Year of United Action to Grow South Africa!

Today, we are issuing a call to all the people of South Africa, to join us as we strive to accelerate change in our country, as we strive to build an inclusive economy that creates decent jobs and as we work towards a better future for our children.

Today, we say to all freedom loving South Africans:

Let’s Grow South Africa Together!

I thank you.

Reflections on YouLead Summit 2018

MalDots

During the week of November 19-23rd 2018, I was one of youth from six nations of the East African Community (EAC) who gathered at MS-Training Centre for Development Corporation in Arumeru, Arusha to discuss youth issues and opportunities in order to come up with key asks for EAC youth development. The Summit was themed, “Youth Political and Economic Inclusion” and attracted stakeholders from government and civil society who had quite profound insights on the subject matter. During the discussions, a variety of themes emerged that are worth pondering on for the betterment of delivering this message to youth with interest.

The role of technology in facilitating conversations and influencing policy and governance emerged immediately after the first speakers. A government representative from Tanzania expressed discomfort on social media that it is deteriorating youth productivity by them spending too much time on platforms such as Facebook leaving less time to…

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L’Honorable Agathon RWASA : le seul opposant lucide au Burundi

Agathon Rwasa

En 1998, haut de ses 34 ans, Agathon RWASA, qui a désormais acquis pour toujours le titre d’Honorable, a pris le contrôle des Forces Nationales de Libération, l’infatigable mouvement rebelle depuis des décennies contre le pouvoir dictatorial et tribaliste des trois cousins de Rutovu. C’est à la tête de son mouvement que le vaillant, l’intègre et le lucide Rwasa s’est tenu à l’écart des négociations d’Arusha dont il était convaincu qu’il s’agissait juste d’un partage de pouvoir et non d’une véritable résolution des conflits cycliques que le Peuple burundais a connu depuis son indépendance. Ce sentiment lui était sans doute dicté par son patriotisme sans faille.

C’est ainsi que les FNL ont mis du temps pour accepter les institutions installées sur la base de l’Accord d’Arusha et adhérer par la même occasion à l’esprit d’Arusha, fixé par Nelson Mandela en personne, revendiqué par le G7 et critiqué par le G10.

C’est en avril 2009, à la veille du processus électoral de 2010, qu’Agathon RWASA décide de déposer les armes et de transformer son mouvement armé en parti politique. Dès lors, le FNL s’est présenté comme la deuxième force politique du pays et le véritable challenger du parti au pouvoir, le puissant CNDD-FDD. Fort de sa popularité, l’engouement populaire dans les meetings de 2010 lui prédisaient une place très importante dans l’échiquier politique burundais à l’issu des élections. C’était sans compter sur le reste de l’opposition qui, sans base électorale, s’est fixé l’objectif de dérouter le FNL et de saboter tout simplement le processus électoral.

Aussitôt dit, aussitôt fait, dès les premières élections communales, l’opposition s’est complètement loupée et a au finish décidé de laisser le champ libre au CNDD-FDD, entrainant du coup le FNL.

Fin juin 2010, Agathon Rwasa reprend alors le chemin de la clandestinité. Il disparait de tous les radars, rappelant du même coup que ce n’était pas pour rien qu’il a été un grand chef rebelle durant des décennies. Il réapparait plus de trois ans plus tard, le 6 août 2013, devant une masse populaire en pleine effervescence, dans l’unique objectif de préparer les élections générales de 2015. Inutiles de revenir sur ces dernières, tellement tant de choses se sont dites là-dessus.
A la grande surprise, prenant le monde entier à contre-pied, l’Honorable Agathon Rwasa décida, en date du 27 juillet 2015, d’occuper son siège de Député à l’Assemblée nationale, en compagnie d’une grande majorité de sa liste élue « AMIZERO Y’ABARUNDI ». Dès lors, des critiques et des accusations ont fusé de toutes parts. On a parlé de corruption, de démagogie, de lâcheté et plus encore.

Pour sa part, L’Honorable Agathon Rwasa a justifié sa décision dans « Jeuneafrique » dans ces termes : « Nous nous retrouvons devant le fait accompli et il faut réagir d’une façon appropriée. Au lieu de nous isoler complètement, il me semble plus judicieux de conserver une tribune qui nous permette d’exprimer nos points de vue. »
Il s’agit bel et bien d’une déclaration d’un démocrate, d’un homme réfléchi, raisonnable et surtout mûr politiquement. Aujourd’hui, trois ans et demi plus tard, le temps lui donne raison. Il a endossé vaillamment le costume de garant du débat contradictoire au sein du Parlement. Pendant ce temps, le reste de l’opposition se perd en Europe, se déchire comme des gamins et réclame la guerre ; ce fléau qui a tant endeuillé le Peuple burundais. Pour l’Honorable Agathon Rwasa « la guerre, c’est du passé, plus jamais cela. » C’est ça la lucidité politique.
Par Appolinaire NISHIRIMBERE

IBINYAMAKURU N’ABAMENYESHAMAKURU BARI MUYABIRA MUCA PEREZIDA PAWULO KAGAME

Igihugu gishaka gutwara Ishirahamwe Mpuzamakungu Ry’ibihugu bikoresha ururimi rw’igifaransa Francophonie , kikaba kandi arico kinatwara uyu mwaka Ishirahamwe ry’Ibihugu vya Afirika nticorohereza na gato Abamenyeshamakuru n’Ibimenyeshamakuru.

Caricature de Paul

Kuruyu wa kane igenekerezo 27 Nkakanga 2018, Inama Nshingamateka y’u Rwanda ibitegetswe na Perezida Pawulo Kagame yaratoye itegeko ribuza ibinyamakuru n’abamenyeshamakuru gucapa canke gukoresha ibicapo canke amashusho atsyoza abategetsi murico gihugu.

Iryo tegeko rivuga yuko umunyamakuru azokoresha canke azokora isanamu itsyoza umutegetsi w’ico gihugu azocirwa ihadabu rirenga igihumbi c’amadolari n’umunyororo w’umwaka kuko ngo gucapa (caricature ) abategetsi ubatsyoza ngo nukubura indero n’ugushira isoni mbere nukutubaha igihugu.

Iryo tegeko ribandanya rivuga ko ivyo bihano vyorwizwa na kabiri mugihe hacapuwe umutegetsi w’igihugu akomeye cane (haut cadre de ‘etat).

Ivyo bibaye mu gihe abamensheshamakuru benshi bahunze ico gihugu abandi bakaburabuzwa , mbere bikaba bibaye inyuma yaho hari n’uwanyurujwe akaba ataratorwa kugushika nuyu musi. Biravugwa kandi ko nabahunze baguma batotezwa iyo baba barahungiye aho inzego z’iperereza za Pawulo Kagame ziguma zibakwirikirana.

Amashirahamwe mpuzamakungu ajejwe guharanira agateka ka zina muntu nka Human Rights Watch , Defend Defenders n’ayandi ariyamiriza izo ngingo zo kuburabuza abamenyeshamakuru n’ibimenyeshamakuru murico gihugu ariko akaba ataco ashobora gushikako kuko ng ‘uwuhagarikiwe n’ingwe aravoma.  Pawulo Kagame ashigikiwe n’ibihugu vya rutura nka Reta Zunze Ubumwe bwa Amerika , Ubumwe Bwa Bulaya na Isirayeri. Aha umuntu aribaza nkizo ngingo iyo ziba zafashwe n’igihugu nk’u Burundi induru ziba ziriko ziravuzwa kw’isi. Mwomenya ko mu Burundi ibinyamakuru vy’igenga bikora ukuri kwamye kandi bigakora na za caricatures uko vyishakiye. Akarore ni nk’ikanyamakuru c’Ababiligi Iwacu “Journal Iwacu” gisohora buri kuwa gatanu w’indwi igicabo gityoza uyu canke uriya.

Ariko murico gihugu c’u Rwanda hoho  bikaba biranagoye no kwandika ku makuru ya politique. Benshi bahungira muvy’imiziki n’ubutunzi ariko nahone bisaba ko ngo bandika ibininahaza Perezida n’umugambwe wiwe FPR n’amashirahamwe y’ubudandandaji awukomokako nka “Crystal Ventures”.  Benshi bakavuga ko ivyandikwa murico gihugu ari nko mu bihe Moyen-Age aho bose bandika baninahaza umwami n’ibikorwa vyiwe.

Benshi rero bakibaza uko ico gihugu gisanzwe kininahazwa cane ko giteye imbere coba kigiye kubonwa mumakungu. Aha twobibutsa ko Perezida Waco ariwe atwara Ubumwe bw’Ibihugu vya Afirika Union africaine. Benshi bakaba bibaza nimbi ako ariko karorero uwo mutegetsi yoba ariko aratanga ku bindi bihugu vya Afirika mu bijanye no kubahiriza agateka ka zina muntu, ko kandi ariko azotanga kubihugu bikoresha ururimi rw’igifaransa hamwe Luwizi Mushikiwabo yoramuka yizewe ngwatware umuryango w’ibihugu bikoresha urwo rurimi.

Inkuru ya Appoliniare Nishirimbere

The Burundian